Many sportsmen have also taken a hit from Senator Santorum in the pocketbook. The Department of Labor's overtime rules were changed in 2004, eliminating overtime pay for 6 million skilled American workers, many of whom are sportsmen. Even though this was rejected repeatedly by Congress, Mr. Santorum consistently supported the unpopular overtime changes. (See his NAY vote against keeping OT pay in place via the Harkin Amendment on 5-4-04.) For now, PA overtime pay rules supercede those of the Bush Administration's Department of Labor, but we never know if and when PA officials will push to adopt the federal guidelines approved by Senator Rick Santorum.
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No one can question Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum's free-market and pro-growth credentials. Santorum has been ranked as one of the most fiscally conservative Republicans in the Senate by groups like the National Taxpayers Union. He has led the fight for tax cuts and smaller government. And pro-growth contributors, for their part, did a lot of heavy lifting to help get Santorum into the Senate in the first place and into the leadership position he now holds. It was an investment that has paid off in spades.
That is why Santorum's recent interventions on behalf of Arlen Specter in the Pennsylvania Republican primary are so bewildering. Specter is now locked in a razor-tight race against conservative three-term congressman Pat Toomey. Toomey's voting record, especially on economic-growth issues, is very similar to Santorum's and is as impressive as Specter's is dreadful. Specter was one of only three Republicans who tried to eviscerate the Bush tax cut; he was the only Republican in the Senate to vote against the Washington, D.C. school-voucher bill; and he was ranked by the Citizens Against Government Waste as the "Pork Spender of the Year."
Specter often admits his left-wing tilt. Here is how he described his own political persuasion in a recent New Yorker article: "When I came to the Senate, we had a lot of members of the 'Wednesday Club' — a weekly gathering of Republican moderates. You had Lowell Weicker, you had Bob Stafford, you had Bob Packwood, you had Mark Hatfield, you had Lincoln Chafee, you had John Danforth, you had Jim Jeffords, you had John Heinz. Now there are only a few of us."
Specter freely admits that he shares the ideology of Jim Jeffords and Lowell Weicker.
Rick Santorum is obligated to publicly back the incumbent Specter. Santorum believes, probably rightly, that he would not be senator today without Specter's help. In a city where loyalty is notoriously a scarce commodity, Santorum can be commended for not his public pledges of support.
But Santorum is actively working to undermine Pat Toomey's candidacy. He has discouraged donors from contributing to Toomey. He has cut TV ads for Specter that portray the senior liberal senator as a friend of the taxpayer. He has staff people in Pennsylvania actively campaigning against Toomey.
Worst of all, Rick Santorum is running around Pennsylvania and Washington, D.C., perpetuating the myth that Pat Toomey is "too conservative to win in Pennsylvania." This is precisely what liberals said about Rick Santorum when he ran for the Senate back in 1994. Santorum proved that wrong. So did Ronald Reagan, when he won Pennsylvania with a fairly right-wing message in 1980 and 1984. Pennsylvania is the signature state of the Reagan Democrat voter. These are middle-class, often unionized, blue-collar voters who are pro-life, pro-gun, and anti-tax. |
